Advocates

Congressional Leaders Challenge Progressives to Keep Pushing for Immigration Reform
originally posted by Seth Hoy for Immigration Impact [click here]

In front of more than 2000 progressive bloggers and activists Saturday, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Sen. Harry Reid and several other keynote speakers urged progressives to “finish what we’ve started” and keep beating the progressive drum for change. After enumerating major Democratic legislative victories this year (health care, financial regulation, and an economic stimulus plan to name a few), Congressional leaders acknowledged the legislative priorities that lie ahead—especially immigration. While Republicans continue to stall immigration reform efforts in Congress and with harsh anti-immigrant legislation brewing in other states, immigration has emerged as a national hot button issue. And with mid-term elections around the corner, progressives want to know that Democratic leadership is actually going to lead.

At the fifth annual Netroots Nation conference in Las Vegas this weekend, Democratic leadership rallied the progressive voice to keep doing what they’re doing—holding Congress accountable and moving the progressive agenda forward. A large part of that progressive agenda is immigration reform—an issue that many progressives feel the Administration has yet to throw its full weight behind. In a Q&A forum, progressive bloggers and activists held Speaker Pelosi’s and Sen. Reid’s feet to the fire on the immigration front. With Congressional Republicans blocking comprehensive immigration reform (CIR), many wondered about the viability of passing the DREAM Act this year. Here’s what Democratic leadership had to say:

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA):

There is a difference of opinion on how we go forward on [the DREAM Act]. We are committed to comprehensive immigration reform (CIR). We don’t want to take one piece and leave the rest of the undocumented behind. We need to secure [the] border, enforce laws, stop the exploitation of workers, and provide a path to legalization. If we take off rosier pieces, it will diminish the prospect for CIR. Others have a different view, but that’s a debate we’re having. Arizona also shouts out for the need for CIR which supports all the things I mentioned. We know what our values are as a country. We continue to meet with business and evangelical communities, not our usual allies, but who both understand the need for CIR. We need to keep the heat on for when the time is right to pass CIR, which will be soon. We’re all cosponsor of DREAM Act, but we don’t want to diminish the support for CIR.

Senator Harry Reid (D-NV):

We’re still working on CIR. We’re not finished after this work period before Congress goes out. We still have a lame duck session, so we’re not giving up. No one has worked harder on immigration then me. I’ve got the stars to show it. We spent more time last session on immigration than any other issue.

Those people screaming the loudest, the Senators from Arizona, won’t let us move on immigration. I believe we need CIR. We need to take care of our borders, get a guest worker program that includes more than just AgJobs, bring people out of the shadows, get right with the law, pay taxes, and get to the end of the line…which for some is thirteen years long. Remember, more than half of these undocumented immigrants have American children. We can’t do what Rush Limbaugh wants us to do. There’s no way we can ship them back to somewhere else. This is not amnesty, it’s fairness.

I’ve worked really hard to push for CIR. I’m working with Durbin and Lugar. But I’m not going to the DREAM Act unless I’ve got the 60 votes. I won’t disappoint all those young men and women if I don’t have the votes. So that’s the story.

So where does that leave us? A dose of political reality is never fun to swallow, but both leaders paint a pretty clear picture of an uphill battle for immigration reform of any kind this fall. The upcoming recess and elections, the lack of votes for CIR, and the questionable number of votes out there for the DREAM Act are all sobering reminders that the work isn’t over. The difficulty of immigration reform is also a strange reminder of just how much Congress has accomplished this year, despite overwhelming obstacles. That Republicans and some Democrats are digging their heels in on immigration could mean that progressives haven’t yet found a way to make this issue click for other political interest groups. Despite more and more involvement by conservatives, evangelicals, and law enforcement officials, immigration remains an issue that doesn’t get a lot of bipartisan support. While progressives may chastise their leaders for not doing enough, it was probably pretty fair of Pelosi and Reid to challenge progressives as well.

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Enough is Enough: State Legislators Fight Arizona Copycat Laws with Progressive Immigration Policies
originally posted by Seth Hoy for Immigration Impact [click here]

Tired of restrictionists introducing “get tough” anti-immigration legislation in their states, state legislators are pushing back with progressive immigration policies of their own. On a telebriefing yesterday sponsored by the Progressive States Network and the National Immigration Law Center, state legislators from Arizona, Iowa, Pennsylvania and Utah discussed what they are actively doing to push back on the recent uptick in statewide anti-immigrant legislation. From public education campaigns to health, wage protection and enforcement legislation, these state leaders are fed up with the status quo.

With less than a month until SB1070’s enactment date (July 29), Arizona State Rep. Kyrsten Sinema is on a campaign to educate local police about the economic and legal realities of enforcing SB1070. While some claim that the Arizona law will help crack down on border violence, Rep. Sinema wants others to realize that SB1070 does nothing to address violent crimes but instead impedes local law enforcement’s ability to keep communities safe.

SB1070 is a very difficult issue to address in Arizona because the perception of many people in the state is that SB1070 addresses border violence. Some individuals have expressed initial support for it, but once folks understand that border violence is not actually addressed whatsoever by this legislation, we see support begin to drop.

What we’re working towards in Arizona—in anticipation of the law’s implementation—is to help law enforcement understand the jeopardy they are placed in—being faced with law suits if they enforce the law and lawsuits if they don’t enforce the law. We’re really seeking to try to find opportunities to help others in the country avoid SB1070-like measures and try to stop copycat legislation across the country. Instead, we want to focus on the kinds of measures that actually help interdict the criminal activity we see happening in border regions.

State Sen. Joe Bolkcom of Iowa is trying to leverage state wage enforcement legislation to address the rampant exploitation of all Iowa workers by unscrupulous employers. According to Sen. Bolkcom, the current wage protection laws in Iowa are weak.

We have focused on expanding and improving wage/hour enforcement law. This legislation really targets those employers who would take advantage of any Iowa worker—including newcomers. Essentially, it’s a zero tolerance law for unscrupulous employers that protects every worker and ensures that we don’t become a state where people are taken advantage of—whether they’re new to the state or have been long-term Iowa workers. Essentially our approach to fighting off really bad anti-immigrant legislation is to say that all Iowa workers deserve protections from wage theft, from law-breaking employers. It’s the best way to strengthen workers, their families and Iowa’s communities.

State Sen. Luz Robles of Utah has prioritized quality, accessible and affordable health care for all children in Utah. After President Obama signed the Children’s Health Insurance Program Reauthorization Act (SCHIP) back in 2009, Sen. Robles continues those efforts by introducing health amendments to benefit legal immigrant children.

It’s always more cost effective to provide adequate coverage to these children than it is to be dealing with children who are uninsured for that five year period. That’s our message throughout the session. It’s important for us to have all the children in Utah covered.

State Sen. Daylin Leach of Pennsylvania has introduced an advanced community policing bill which essentially bars local law enforcement from enforcing federal immigration laws.

Local police are supposed to stop street crime, which becomes more difficult to do if people in the neighborhood you’re policing or patrolling don’t trust you because they fear you’re going investigating their immigration status. They’re less likely to cooperate with you or give you the tips you need. In fact, a number of police chiefs have made that point that the obligation contained in the Arizona law would undermine their ability to do what they have historically been charged to do.

These are just a few examples of how frustrated state legislators are pushing back on anti-immigration legislation and restrictionists in their states. Although immigration advocates anxiously await the Department of Justice’s soon-to-be-filed federal lawsuit against SB1070, anti-immigration measures in other states unfortunately show no sign of slowing. One can only hope that as the economic, political and legal consequences of anti-immigration laws begin to unfold, that communities—and the legislators who represent them—begin to understand the costly damages these measures will have down the road.

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Comprehensive Immigration Reform is More than a Piece of Legislation
originally posted by Mary Giovagnoli for Immigration Impact [click here]

Realistically, the likelihood of a comprehensive immigration reform (CIR) bill passing before the midterm elections is pretty small. News reports indicate that many advocates are pivoting to supporting more targeted immigration measures, such as DREAM Act or AgJobs, both of which have been introduced and have numerous co-sponsors already. Inevitably, these reports talk about backtracking, moving to a piecemeal approach or abandoning CIR. And then there is usually some kind of smug, I-told-you-so comment from an immigration restrictionist—one that revels in the supposed failure of comprehensive immigration reform. But CIR is more than a piece of legislation. It’s a goal—one which requires long-term commitment and a belief in the fundamental goodness of Americans.

As the Immigration Policy Center has consistently pointed out, comprehensive immigration reform is the solution to a problem that is far more pervasive than most Americans (still) realize. Our broken immigration system contributes to our stalled economy, undermines our reputation in the world, costs us billions of dollars in unworkable enforcement only strategies, and chips away at the moral values of the country. The problem is so big, in fact, that no one bill will ever fix all the pieces at once. But a systematic overhaul, one that includes legalization for the roughly 11 million people already here, a reduction in immigration backlogs that keep families apart, a flexible and fair system for bringing in new workers, and reasonable enforcement would create a solid base on which to build an immigration system that helps the country succeed in the 21st century.

As we have seen on healthcare and climate change, the longer we delay, the bigger and more complex legislation has to become to address the problems we face. Immigration reform is no different. If we had been systematically revising and refining our immigration system over the years, we wouldn’t need CIR now. And when that goal isn’t attainable because of the political climate, people are naturally going to gravitate to more modest provisions. Yes, DREAM and AgJobs won’t solve the whole problem, but the mere fact that people are talking about them as viable short-term options is a victory of sorts—kind of like advancing the ball down the field. And should those provisions become law, they will provide relief to a lot of hard working people who want to contribute to this country. As a practical matter, they will also serve as a laboratory for implementation of a bigger program.

Ironically, the continuing impact of Arizona’s SB 1070 highlights both the urgency of immigration reform and how far we still have to go. Poll after poll shows that the majority of Americans both support the Arizona law and comprehensive immigration reform—support which reflects our long term love-hate relationship with immigration. Unfortunately, as a nation, we can’t seem to deal with issues that we both love and hate until a crisis reaches the boiling point. Thus, the continuing devastation in the Gulf focuses our attention on energy and climate change—it’s hard to miss the daily pictures of birds smothered in oil.

The immigration crisis has reached a boiling point, but its effects are often quiet and behind the scenes. The political calendar probably means that Congress won’t have the will to take up the issue before the elections, but depending on what message the voters send, they may finally have to address comprehensive reform in either a lame duck session or at the beginning of the 112th Congress. Eventually, the goal of CIR and the mechanics of it—legislation—will meet. Until then, people will push for what they can, where and when they can.

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Deporting America’s Future: Harvard Student Pushes for DREAM Act
originally posted by Seth Hoy for Immigration Impact [click here]

Harvard sophomore, Eric Balderas, knows why the DREAM Act is important to so many. Earlier this month, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) picked up Balderas in Boston on his way to visit his mother in San Antonio, Texas. Balderas now faces the possibility of deportation at a hearing next month. The 19 year old biology major was valedictorian of his high school class and is on a full scholarship at Harvard. Sadly, Balderas is just one of roughly 1.5 million unauthorized immigrant children—many of whom don’t speak Spanish and consider themselves American—currently living in the U.S. who are at risk for deportation. How many of America’s talented youth must the U.S. deport before Congress musters the courage to act?

If passed, the DREAM Act would allow qualified young people—who were brought to the U.S. without documentation—to adjust their status to “conditional permanent resident” given he/she meets the requirements. Balderas, who came to the U.S. illegally when he was four, is a perfect candidate for the DREAM Act—he entered the U.S. before the age of 16, earned a high school diploma, is a person of good moral character and has no criminal record.

Eric’s case prompted Harvard President, Drew Faust, to issue this statement:

[The DREAM Act provides] a lifeline to these students who are already working hard in our middle and high schools and living in our communities by granting them the temporary legal status that would allow them to pursue postsecondary education.

In the first years of enactment, the DREAM Act would help approximately 360,000 qualified high-school graduates to receive conditional residency. Over the next 13 years, the bill would also provide incentives for another 715,000 youngsters (an average of 55,000 a year) currently between the ages of 5 and 17 to finish high school and pursue post-secondary education.

According to Harvard’s vice president of public affairs and communications, Christine Heenan:

Eric Balderas has already demonstrated the discipline and work ethic required for rigorous university work, and has, like so many of our undergraduates, expressed an interest in making a difference in the world.

These dedicated young people are vital to our nation’s future, and President Faust’s support of the DREAM Act reflects Harvard’s commitment to access and opportunity for students like Eric.

To date, the DREAM Act has 38 cosponsors in the Senate and 123 in the House, with bipartisan support in both. Sponsorship of the bill, however, does not guarantee its movement or passage. (Recall that the DREAM Act failed in a cloture vote in 2007.) Although a group of undocumented college students—along with Senators Durbin (D-IL) and Lugar (R-IN)—have urged the White House and DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano to halt the deportation of eligible DREAM Act students in the absence of a larger immigration overhaul, their efforts seem to have fallen on deaf ears. The question, however, remains—why would the U.S. want to deport talented students, educated in the U.S., who are clearly economic and social assets to this country?

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Forward March: Tens of Thousands Took to the Streets Demanding Immigration Reform

Sparked by Arizona’s anti-immigration enforcement law, tens of thousands of protesters took to the streets on Saturday to demand congressional action on immigration reform. Carrying signs that read “Do I Look Illegal?” and “We are All Arizona,” labor, student, civil rights and immigration activists gathered in more than 70 cities nationwide (including Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, Dallas, Chicago, Milwaukee and San Francisco) with one united message—we need immigration reform now.

In Washington, D.C., Congressmen Luis Gutierrez (D-IL)—along with 34 others— were arrested when they participated in a sit-in in front of the White House. Gutierrez, a long time supporter of immigration reform and author of CIR ASAP, declared that he would not move unless he was arrested or until congress signed an immigration reform bill. On Face the Nation the following day, Gutierrez reflected:

[My arrest was] part of a response to what I consider the immorality of our broken immigration system. We were protesting the fact that hundreds of thousands of immigrant families have been destroyed … I was arrested yesterday because it was time to escalate and to elevate the level of awareness and consciousness for all those who tried to reach our shores and can’t because our system is broken … Let me tell you what I propose. I want to end illegal immigration as we know it.

In downtown Los Angeles, where crowds peaked to around 50,000, Anna Castro, a 53 year old El Salvadorian native (now an American citizen), carried a sign that said “With Us, America Works.” Castro, a janitor, warned that Arizona’s law would create chaos if enacted in California.

This is critical. It’s very important that we send a message that the kind of law that passed in Arizona cannot pass here. Immigrants helped build this country … I came here as an immigrant to work hard. We need to show that we will not permit an Arizona law in California or any other kind of state. A law like this would create chaos in Los Angeles and California. People would be scared to talk to the police.

Counter-protestors were also on the scene, according to the Associated Press, carrying signs that said “We Support Arizona” and “We Need More ICE At This Fiesta.” Although lawsuits are already starting to mount challenging the constitutionality of Arizona’s new law, several other states are reported to be contemplating similar enforcement legislation.

But no matter what side of the immigration issue people fall on, the protests over the weekend and Arizona’s new enforcement law remind us of one thing—our system is broken and needs to be fixed. Last week, several Senate Democrats forged ahead with a proposed legislative framework for immigration reform—Real Enforcement and Practical Answers for Immigration Reform (REPAIR). As the stakes get higher in states like Arizona, it becomes even more imperative for Congress to move forward with a fair, smart and comprehensive solution to our immigration problems.

Photo by RI4A.

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Support for Immigration Reform Picks Up Steam

Congress certainly has a lot on their plate as they reconvene from a long recess this week—a jobs bill, financial reform and now the confirmation of a new Supreme Court Justice. Over the weekend, however, congressional leaders put immigration reform at the top of their legislative to-do lists, calling for bipartisan cooperation to pass reform this year. Thousands of immigration supporters flocked to rallies in cities all over the country this weekend—in Las Vegas, Seattle, Chicago, Philadelphia, Providence, El Paso, New York and Lakewood—all calling on President Obama and Congress to fix our broken immigration system. The question remains, however, with midterm elections around the corner and a projected lower Latino turnout, will Congress have the courage to put aside partisan politics and actually tackle reform this year?

At a rally in downtown Las Vegas Saturday, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) spoke to a crowd of more than 6,000 people and vowed to start working on reform:

We’re going to come back. We’re going to do comprehensive immigration reform now! We need to do this this year! We cannot wait. We’re going to pass immigration reform, just as we passed health care reform.

At a similar event in Chicago, Senator Majority Whip Richard Durbin (D-IL) also pledged his support for reform and called for a more bipartisan effort.

We need that same determination and that same commitment to pass comprehensive immigration reform this year. That is our challenge—to bring together the Democratic voices as well as good-thinking Republicans to make this a reality of immigration reform. We can do this.

Immigration supporters have turned up the heat on immigration reform in recent weeks—first with Sens. Lindsey Graham and Chuck Schumer’s blueprint for immigration reform, then a pledge of support from Senator Patrick Leahy and a commitment from Senator Reid who promised to make time for legislation on the floor this year, followed by a large immigration rally in March in which an estimated 200,000 from at least 35 states gathered in Washington, D.C.

The questions now are whether or not Sens. Schumer and Graham can find more Republican support for their forthcoming reform bill and how much time and energy the White House is willing to spend in supporting the issue—especially with financial reform, a new Supreme Court nominee and the upcoming mid-term elections already on their plate. As evidenced by the large rallies and high turn out, immigration reform remains a top priority for many Americans—especially Hispanic voters, who, as NPR points out, need to be reminded why they turned out in such large numbers at the voting booth in 2008.

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Immigration Advocates Call for an End to ICE’s Failed 287(g) Program

Today, a group of immigration reform advocates called for an end to the controversial 287(g) program, labeling it a “failed experiment.” Speakers from labor organizations and immigration advocacy groups said the expansion and continued failure of this enforcement program is a “worrying signal on the President’s commitment” to reforming our immigration system. They went as far as to say that “the only thing that has changed since George Bush left the White House is that now President Obama is sanctioning Sheriff Joe (the controversial Arizona Sheriff) to terrorize Latinos.”

The 287(g) program—an immigration enforcement program which gives state and local law enforcement authority to enforce immigration laws—has been controversial since its inception. Criticisms of the program have come a wide range of sources, including Congressional hearings, the ACLU, Justice Strategies, the Government Accountability Office and the conservative Goldwater Institute. Yet, upon her confirmation, Department of Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano not only revamped the program but expanded it rather than ending it as some had hoped. This latest dust up on the problematic 287(g) program comes on the heels of a blistering report issued by the Department of Homeland Security’s own Inspector General which portrays the program as poorly managed and seriously lacking in accountability.

Crystal Williams of AILA said that “it’s time to retire 287g for the failed program it is” while Eliseo Medina of SEIU said he had expected DHS under Obama to build an enforcement program that would go after bad employers. Instead, Medina said, DHS has replaced worksite raids with electronic raids which are not deterring bad behavior. He said “senseless I-9 audits are creating fear and uncertainly and pushing thousands of more workers into and underground economy” and that “reports show an agency out of control.”

So what does it take to end a bad program? Shouldn’t high cost, mismanagement, and abuse of power be enough to sink a long-troubled initiative? Not a single report has come forward highlighting the benefits of 287(g) to communities, safety or even deterring illegal immigration. There are, however, alternatives to be explored however. If 287(g) is finally put out to pasture, what will take its place? Is the Secure Communities program the answer? Perhaps in some form, but without reform of our immigration enforcement system—a system that effectively targets criminals instead of busboys—we will remain hopelessly stuck in a failed enforcement-only cycle.

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Strength in Numbers
originally posted by Policy Center for Immigration Impact [click here]

The positive impact of Sunday’s rally on the mall for immigration reform is already in evidence.  Yesterday, after months of pressure, Senators Schumer and Graham finally released their blueprint for immigration reform and President Obama immediately pledged to help push bipartisan legislation forward. Next was Senator Reid who promised to make time for legislation on the floor this year and Senator Leahy also pledging his support.

It’s hardly a coincidence that these statements all came days before the rally, which organizers predict will bring tens of thousands of people to Washington for an interfaith prayer service, three hours of speeches, and a peaceful march for change.   Cynics may ponder whether these are simply more empty promises, but that would ignore just how hard it is to get commitments from politicians on anything relating to immigration. The prospect of thousands of people calling you out on national TV has a way of focusing the political mind.

There’s no doubt, however, that yesterday’s statements are still a far cry from putting a bill on the president’s desk.  The Schumer/Graham editorial laying out their plan isn’t very detailed and a few of its provisions—biometric Social Security cards; “zero tolerance” for those who enter illegally are going to be hotly contested. Other aspects, like missing plans for reducing backlogs and helping keep families together, has advocates on the edge of their seats, waiting to see what actual legislation will look like.

But there is a strong commitment to legalization. The Senators acknowledge that we must create a system for regulating future legal immigration that is responsive to the economy, ensuring that the flow of workers matches more closely the demand. And they unequivocally recognize that the immigration system itself is broken and that Americans want it changed.

That’s surely the message we will hear over and over again from the speakers lined up to address the crowd on Sunday.  From union presidents to bishops to Los Lonely Boys, people of every color and from all walks of life will do what Americans have always done to influence change—rally, march, and when the time comes, vote.

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The Economic and Political Stakes of an Accurate Census Count
originally posted by Walter Ewing for Immigration Impact [click here]

This week, the U.S. Census Bureau began distribution of the questionnaires for the 2010 Census. The results of the Census will form the basis for the apportionment of congressional districts and the distribution of hundreds of billions of dollars in federal funds, as well as serving to guide community-planning decisions across the country. However, Census 2010 has not been without its share of controversy. In October of last year, for instance, Senator David Vitter (R-LA) proposed an amendment to the Commerce, Justice and State appropriations legislation which would cut off financing for the 2010 Census unless the survey includes questions about immigration status. Additionally, some pro-immigrant activists have suggested that immigrants sit out the Census this year to protest the federal government’s failure to enact comprehensive immigration reform. Yet this would be self-defeating given the high economic and political stakes of an accurate count, and that fact that immigrants are already among those demographic groups who are typically under-counted in the Census.

Anyone living in an area that suffers from a large under-count of immigrants stands to lose out on political representation and federal funds. For instance, an undercount of Latino immigrants would impact anyone living in a state such as California, New York, or Illinois that has a large population of Latino immigrants—meaning that everyone in those states stands to lose political representation and access to economic and educational opportunities if immigrant residents aren’t fully counted in 2010.

According to a 2009 research report from the Census Bureau, roughly $435.7 billion in federal grant and direct assistance money “was allocated based on Census Bureau data”—including “annual population estimates, Decennial Census data, and other Census Bureau sources”—in Fiscal Year (FY) 2007. The 10 federal programs accounting for 83.4 percent of all funding “allocated annually using population and/or income statistics,” as of FY 2007, were:

  • Medical Assistance Program {Medicaid} ($203.5 billion)
  • Unemployment Insurance ($35.9 billion)
  • Highway Planning and Construction ($34.2 billion)
  • Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program ($30.3 billion)
  • Temporary Assistance for Needy Families ($16.5 billion)
  • Federal Pell Grant Program ($13.7 billion)
  • Title I Grants to Local Educational Agencies ($12.8 billion)
  • Special Education Grants to States ($10.8 billion)
  • National School Lunch Program ($7.8 billion)
  • Head Start ($6.9 billion)

As the National Research Council notes in a 2009 study, “historically, a key issue has been, and remains, the differential net undercount of blacks, Hispanics, and Native Americans, which has resulted in the repeated underrepresentation of areas in which those groups make up a large fraction of the residents. In particular, the differential net undercount of these groups has led to their receiving less than their share of federal funds and political representation.” In other words, because blacks, Latinos, and Native Americans tend to live in particular areas, everyone in those areas receives less political representation and federal funding if blacks, Latinos, and Native Americans are under-counted.

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Real Boots on the Ground: Immigration Movement to March for Reform
originally posted by Seth Hoy for Immigration Impact [click here]

Thousands of supporters are expected to dust off their marching boots and head to Washington, D.C. next month to rally for comprehensive immigration reform. Although some media headlines continue to challenge the political viability of immigration reform in 2010, there is clearly no shortage of grassroots support from a broad coalition of groups—groups who plan on busing in thousands of supporters to the nation’s capital to demand action. While it’s true that an immigration rally does not necessarily guarantee reform legislation, the campaign sponsoring the March 21st event—Reform Immigration for America—aptly asks the price of doing nothing at all.

We are faced with a choice. We can do nothing, and watch as our families and communities continue to be torn apart by the broken immigration system; watch as profiteers continue to take advantage of people desperate for work; watch as due process is taken away from our understanding of justice; and watch as our leaders work on economic solutions that simply aren’t bold enough to turn this country around. Or we can stand up for our families and our communities.

Not all have given up hope on reform this year. Rallies, forums and town hall meetings have and will continue to happen on the state and local level all across the nation. Over the weekend, more than 500 participants held an immigration town hall meeting in Los Angeles. Congressman Xavier Becerra (D-CA), Vice-Chair of the House Democratic Caucus, made an appearance to rally the troops and support the movement:

Push comes to shove, I feel very confident we will pass immigration reform in the House of Representatives. But, and there’s away a big but, I can’t say the same for the Senate. Unless we fight and stand up, this won’t happen. We have to get to the point that we can pull crowds like these in other places in America. Then they will feel, they will see, we will do it. But we need your help.

At a recent immigration reform event in Illinois, advocates and union leaders called on Congressional leaders to fulfill their promise to fix our broken immigration system and pledged to send 10,000 Illinoisians to D.C. in March. As one activist, Emma Lozano of Centro Sin Fronteras’, put it, “It’s showdown time. We are united as never before. We will mobilize as never before.”

Advocates are growing frustrated as immigration queues up behind jobs, the economy and health care on the legislative agenda. However, on a visit to the White House this week, White House officials told Colombian pop star, Shakira, that “they hope to reach an agreement this year with the Republican Party to legalize undocumented immigrants.” Similarly, Sen. Harry Reid (D-NV) put the immigration reform ball in the Republican court this week at an event in Nevada.

While no one can, or will, quite say where actual immigration reform legislation is right now, one thing remains clear: there is significant grassroots support for immigration—supporters who are intent on making their voices heard both as a movement and as an electoral voting bloc—and they are asking, “if not now, when?”

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