Elena Kagan

Time to Confess Error on the Death Penalty

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Yesterday at the Supreme Court, a New Orleans prosecutor defended the conviction of a man despite the admitted failure of her office to turn over evidence they were required to provide to his defense team. This fraudulently obtained conviction was then used to help send Juan Smith to death row. The prosecutorial misconduct was so severe — and the shameful history of New Orleans prosecutors so blatant — that Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan asked the hapless prosecutor: “Did your office ever consider just confessing error in this case?”

That’s a pretty bad question for a lawyer to hear. Maybe the worst, in these circumstances. But I’ve heard a more brutal question, from my clients on death row when they receive a warrant of execution: “How should I tell my children that I will be executed next month?”

Last Thursday, at the launch of a speaking tour addressing the need for prosecutorial accountability, sponsored by the Innocence Project and coordinated with ACLU affiliates across the country, former death row inmate John Thompson talked about the moment he had that discussion with his lawyers. It was 1999 and his execution was only weeks away. “Can we help break the news?” they asked him. His younger son was set to graduate from high school the day after the execution.

As Barry Scheck, co-Director of the Innocence Project, noted in his keynote speech, it was prosecutorial misconduct — not eyewitness fallibility, not false confession, but deliberate bad acts by the prosecuting attorneys — that wrongly put Thompson on death row. And prosecutorial misdeeds have led to a number of the wrongful convictions ultimately reversed through the work of the Innocence Project.

At the moment Thompson’s Philadelphia lawyers were having the discussion that no law school prepares you for, an investigator in New Orleans was looking at a report revealing the blood type found on a pair of blue jeans at the crime scene, which had been hidden from Thompson’s attorneys for 14 years. The report excluded Thompson as the perpetrator. But, to insure the exonerating evidence didn’t surface, an assistant district attorney had taken the jeans from the police evidence locker and thrown them away.

Thompson was ultimately exonerated, freed and awarded $14 million by a jury in compensation. Then, in what has been called “one of the meanest Supreme Court decisions ever,” the $14 million award was overturned. We don’t yet know what will happen in Smith’s case, although indications from yesterday’s oral argument are unusually strong that justice will prevail.

Juan Smith and John Thompson are not the only death row defendants whose convictions and sentences were tainted by prosecutorial misconduct. In fact, it was likely the history of bad behavior by New Orleans prosecutors that got the Smith case in front of the high court yesterday.

Cases like this underscore the importance of the Innocence Project speaking tour, which is far more than a recitation of the awful circumstances that kept Thompson in prison for 18 years for a crime he did not commit. If last week’s event at Loyola Law School is any indication, the tour will spur in-depth academic discussions about civil rights law, monetary damages, immunity for prosecutors and the likelihood of disciplinary action against prosecutors who hide evidence and permit false testimony. Throughout the tour, solutions will be proposed that will deserve careful consideration.

I was asked to speak last Thursday about the defense lawyer’s perspective, how the human cost of this work affects the team and the client. But sitting in that room with John Thompson — the man we call JT, the man I first met on death row in 1989, the innocent man who almost died at the hands of the state — I had only one suggestion: abolish the death penalty.

Check back here for updates on the tour and more discussion about prosecutorial misconduct. And in the meantime, take action now to end the death penalty in your state.

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That’s the Way She Likes to Judge: Luther Campbell Backs Kagan

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That's the Way She Likes to Judge: Luther Campbell Backs Kagan

Big SCOTUS news today: Luther Campbell of 2 Live Crew has officially endorsed Elena Kagan.

In Campbell’s column in today’s Miami New Times, he casts Kagan as a strong woman willing to make unpopular decision–such as defending his group’s album As Nasty as They Wanna Be during a 1989 obscenity case. Kagan wrote a brief on behalf of the recording industry during the case’s appeal. In it, she argues that the album is not obscene by established standards, since “Nasty does not physically excite anyone who hears it, much less arouse a shameful and morbid sexual response.” She also cites a Supreme Court ruling written by Justice Scalia stating that all music has inherent value.

Standing up for the men who gave the world “If You Believe in Sex,” a song I’m referencing because the title can appear here, wasn’t a popular choice with D.C. kingmakers, then or now. But the appeals court vindicated Kagan and Campbell and overturned the ban on the album.

In today’s column, Campbell goes on to take Senate Republicans to task for their anxiety-driven demonizing of late Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall, for whom Kagan clerked:

With the late justice’s son Thurgood Jr. in the audience, [Alabama Sen. Jeff] Sessions criticized Kagan for associating herself with “well-known activist judges who have used their powers to redefine the meaning of our constitution.” He named Marshall. I guess when Sessions refers to “our constitution,” he’s referring to the version before the 13th and 14th amendments were passed and when his great-grandparents owned a plantation stocked with slaves.

Ouch. (Incidentally, those Senate Republicans can’t name any Marshall decisions with which they disagree.) So, while Kagan’s still not popular with civil rights groups, she’s solidly Campbell’s homegirl.

Civil Rights Groups Not as Hot for Kagan as She Is for Marshall

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Civil Rights Groups Not as Hot for Kagan as She Is for Marshall

If you’ve tuned in to Elena Kagan’s Senate confirmation hearings, you may have found it odd that the GOP has tried to radicalize Kagan through her work and affinity for Thurgood Marshall. But before the GOP mind-bogglingly attempted to align Kagan’s judicial philosophy with one of the most iconic figures in civil rights’ history, perhaps they should have paid attention to which civil rights groups are actually in the Kagan corner. Because not too many of them are eager to back her nomination whole-heartedly.

In a statement today, the National Bar Association deemed Kagan “qualified” to serve as a Supreme Court justice but withheld an endorsement “due to the insufficient information to ensure that Ms. Kagan’s views are consistent with the core mission of the organization.” Said NBA President Mavins Thompson: “Solicitor General Kagan has not yet established a demonstrated track record of vigorously applying the law to uphold civil rights and personal freedoms.”

Meanwhile, in a Washington Post article, Barabara R. Arnwine, executive director of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, said “There isn’t a judicial record to review, indicating her views on critical civil rights matters.”

The NAACP and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund and Eduction Fund indicated their support for Kagan’s nomination in a detailed report on Kagan’s record, citing her “professional credentials” and “independence of mind.” But they also relayed their “concerns” for the nominee.

While serving in the Clinton administration, Kagan worked on President Clinton’s Initiative on Race, a yearlong project to assess the state of race relations in the United States. Of her work on the initiative, the NAACP report states that “while her work on civil rights issues during this period is interesting, there is a question concerning what it reveals about her own views on the myriad problems in achieving justice for all Americans.”

The NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund report also paid particular attention to Kagan’s teaching appointments when she was dean at Harvard University Law School. It called her hiring record “deeply disappointing”: Of the 32 tenured and tenure track appointments made, “Twenty-five were white men, six were white women and one was an Asian-American woman.” Kagan did hire two women, two African-American males and one Indian male, but they were not in tenure track jobs. Although Kagan failed to diversify the faculty at Harvard Law, she did manage to attract a diverse student body, the report states.

Today, the Congressional Black Congress submitted questions to Senate Judiciary Chairman Patrick Leahy to be relayed to Kagan during the review, to address her views on affirmative action, sentencing disparities between crack and powder cocaine, racial profiling, and other issues of importance to African Americans. Thus far, none of these questions have come up. Indeed, for all the talk about Marshall’s judicial philosophy, no senator has shown interest in Kagan’s views on the racial justice and economic equality concerns that so defined Marshall’s career.

For clarity on Kagan’s views on issues of race, we may just have to hope for the best.

Photo by Getty Images/Alex Wong

Kagan Hearings: Thurgood Marshall Goes on Trial

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Kagan Hearings: Thurgood Marshall Goes on Trial

Update @ 12:22 ET: Elena Kagan finally seems to have run out of patience with the Thurgood Marshall line of attack (which, again, is bizarre given her thin civil rights record). Arizona Sen. Jon Kyl’s questions today followed up on his obsession with Marshall in yesterday opening statements. As Kyle wound into his Marshall questions, Kagan snapped back that, if she’s confirmed, “You’ll get Justice Kagan, you won’t get Justice Marshall.”

Kyl persisted, again raising the famous Marshall quote that his judicial philosophy is to “do what you think is right and let the law catch up.” Kagan parried tartly, “I actually never heard Justice Marshall say that,” but rather saw it attributed to a clerk. Either way, she added, “Justice Marshall was a man who spent many decades of his life fighting for the eradication of Jim Crow segregation and you can kind of see why he would work as hard as he can” to make the law “catch up.”

…..

Alabama Sen. Jeff Sessions delivered on expectations that he’d be the Republican bad guy at Elena Kagan’s hearings this morning, while Sen. Orrin Hatch used Kagan as a sounding board for his lengthy defense of the Roberts court’s Citizens United ruling. But the big story remains the Republicans’ decision yesterday to tar Kagan by association with Thurgood Marshall. Washington Post columnist Dana Milbank rounded up the thrusts succinctly:

“Justice Marshall’s judicial philosophy,” said Sen. Jon Kyl (Ariz.), the No. 2 Republican in the Senate, “is not what I would consider to be mainstream.” Kyl — the lone member of the panel in shirtsleeves for the big event — was ready for a scrap. Marshall “might be the epitome of a results-oriented judge,” he said.

Sen. Jeff Sessions (Ala.), the ranking Republican on the panel, branded Marshall a “well-known activist.” Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) said Marshall’s legal view “does not comport with the proper role of a judge or judicial method.” Sen. John Cornyn (R-Tex.) pronounced Marshall “a judicial activist” with a “judicial philosophy that concerns me.”

As the Republicans marshaled their anti-Marshall forces, staffers circulated to reporters details of the late justice’s offenses: “Justice Marshall endorsed ‘judicial activism,’ supported abortion rights, and believed the death penalty was unconstitutional.”

Milbank and others have found the approach bizarre. As the famously snarky Milbank quipped, perhaps Nelson Mandela and Mother Teresa are next on the GOP hit list. And as Dom Apollon wrote in ColorLines, all the talk about Kagan and Marshall is particularly strange given that Kagan’s career bears no resemblance to Marshall’s judicial philosophy. But the Republican senators are swiping at Marshall for good reasons–at least for both their short-term political strategy and long-term effort to game the judicial confirmation process.

In the immediate, the Kagan-as-Marshall line of attack is just the latest example of the modern GOP’s hearty embrace of the southern strategy. From John McCain’s presidential campaign forward, the party has plainly calculated that its future turns on a motivated–read: scared and angry–southern, white base. When they thrash at Marshall, they’re not speaking to Kagan, their Senate colleagues or national journalists. They’re speaking to the base, where few legacies would be more villainous than Marshall’s. Brown and Marshall’s subsequent role on the bench represent the ultimate example of using federal authority to disrupt the corrupt local power bases.

But there’s a bigger, more lasting picture as well. The Republican Senators aim not to assault Kagan but to skew the definition of a non-controversial nominee further still to the right. The goal remains to define an originalist interpretation of the Constitution as a mainstream idea. Marshall would seem the most obvious proof of that view’s flaws–as Kagan implied in her opening statements, Marshall’s understanding of the law as a work-in-progress informed his leadership in killing off Jim Crow. Nonetheless, you can’t defend strict originalism without first discrediting Marshall’s supposed activism. And nobody ever accused today’s right of being afraid of swinging for the fences. So here we are, arguing over whether Thurgood Marshall was a dangerous judicial radical.

It’s also a fight the Democrats have picked. The Roberts court surely is a standout as an example of an activist court, ranging from Citizens United through to this week’s gun control ruling, it has reached out to change the law as meets the rightwing justices’ perspectives. As Slate’s Dahlia Lithwick wrote, Democrats have done their best to use the Kagan nomination to put that record on trial. The Republican attack on Marshall is, in part, the GOP’s counter.

Photo: Getty/Mark Wilson

Kyl Shoots and Misses on Kagan Immigration Brief

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Kyl Shoots and Misses on Kagan Immigration Brief

Day one of Elena Kagan’s confirmation hearings have wrapped up and she’s already heard a mouthful of criticism, some of which is plain inaccurate. In a notable example, Arizona Sen. John Kyl, while suggesting that President Obama picked Kagan because “he wants justices who will use the bench to advance progressive goals,” pointed to a brief from the solicitor general’s office clarifying the government’s position on U.S. Chamber of Commerce v. Candelaria. The case, recently taken up by the Supreme Court, challenges a 2006 Arizona law that punishes businesses for hiring undocumented immigrants.

In his comments, Kyl said he is “deeply troubled” by a brief released by the solicitor general calling for the Court to overturn the 2006 law, which takes business licenses away from employers found to have hired undocumented workers. But Kagan did not write the brief. The brief was released by an acting SG after Kagan’s recusal, following her nomination to the court.

Perhaps Kyl was cribbing from the conservative National Review Online’s Mark Krikorian (the head of the right-wing Center for Immigration Studies). Krikorian also lambasted Kagan last week for the Candelaria brief. In addition to being wrong about her responsibility for the brief, since it was issued after Kagan’s recusal, Krikorian’s argument is wrong substantively. He claims that the brief calls for the courts to rule against the federal “E-Verify” program for employers. In fact, the brief says the court should not rule on that program but rather let the “political branches” deal with it. The brief is about the implementation of additional state-level sanctions if an employer is found to have hired an undocumented immigrant. Krikorian is confusing the matter.

What are actually at issue in the case are significant questions about the extent to which states can implement immigration laws beyond federal laws. The preemption question, of course, is also a central part of legal challenges to the more recent and well known Arizona immigration law, SB 1070.

According to ImmigrationProf Blog, Candelaria raises three questions:

(1) whether an Arizona statute that imposes sanctions on employers who hire unauthorized immigrants is invalid under a federal statute that expressly “preempt[s] any State or local law imposing civil or criminal sanctions (other than through licensing and similar laws) upon those who employ, or recruit or refer for a fee for employment, unauthorized aliens”;

(2) whether the Arizona statute, which requires all employers to participate in a federal electronic employment verification system, is preempted by a federal law that specifically makes that system voluntary;

(3) whether the Arizona statute is impliedly preempted because it undermines the “comprehensive scheme” that Congress created to regulate the employment of immigrants.

So the case is about whether Arizona can attach additional state level penalties on employers who are found to have hired undocumented immigrants. The federal government’s E-verify program, which is a database of names and social security numbers, already checks the immigration status of new hires. The Arizona law takes this program a step further by imposing an additional state level sanction.

According to the Center for American Progress, which is not really progressive on matters of immigration:

The acting solicitor general of the United States argued (correctly) that Arizona had overstepped its authority by establishing a parallel employer-sanctions law. He stated that the state law was explicitly preempted by federal law and that the underlying court decision should be reversed. This is an important signal and a critical first step in halting the growth of state and local immigration legislation. Given the current developments in Arizona and elsewhere in the country, the administration now has an opportunity, and a responsibility, to provide a more expansive articulation of its views on federal preemption of immigration regulation and enforcement by the states.

Photo: Sen. Jon Kyl (R-AZ) during confirmation hearings for U.S. Supreme Court Justice nominee Elena Kagan on Capitol Hill June 28, 2010 in Washington, DC. (Photo by Brendan Smialowski/Getty Images)

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